Page 10 - IJPS-9-3

International Journal of
Population Studies Barriers to learning at a U3A in Lebanon

a significant percentage of older learners cited “hearing their social networks encouraged them to interact with
what other classmates said,” “reading what was written on family members rather than join learning centers.
the board,” and “hearing what professors said” (Silverstein At a U3A in Lebanon, Hachem and Vuopala (2016)
et al., 2002, p. 24). Here, preferences, for instance, uncovered institutional, infrastructural, dispositional,
concerning the medium of learning, whether through the and situational barriers. The authors analyzed “end-of-
internet or television, emerge as a problematic issue for the term evaluations” by 247 older learners. They grouped
institutions, also observed in other studies below, albeit in the barriers that active U3A members experience into
various forms. situational barriers such as the lack of time, dispositional
The barriers older learners face when attending barriers such as inabilities to grasp certain subjects and
Universities of the Third Age (U3As) and Osher Lifelong to follow the language of instruction, and institutional
Learning Institutes (OLLIs) also received scholarly barriers concerning course logistics and the infrastructure
attention. One consistently reported barrier in U3As is of the premises. This study provided an additional example
elitism, as both survey and ethnographic data generally of conflicting choices and preferences concerning the
uncover a compounding middle-classness in U3A language of instruction.
membership bodies (Formosa, 2019d; 2019e), even when Turning our attention to OLLIs, several studies
U3As do not restrict admission. Indeed, to middle-class reported barriers that inhibited or prevented learning in
older people, joining U3As means returning to an arena such institutions, namely, space, staff, situational barriers,
where they feel confident and self-assured of its outcome competition, difficult personalities, and resistance to
and development; meanwhile, their working-class peers change (Brady et al., 2013; Hansen & Brady, 2013; Hansen
are apprehensive about joining an organization whose et al., 2016). Space was a frequently-mentioned barrier to
name bears such “heavy” class baggage. A qualitative participation in that many OLLIs could not expand their
study on a U3A in North-East England uncovered three premises despite the growth in enrolment, thus being
exclusionary factors which acted as barriers to enrolment obliged to turn away learners or to hold social gatherings
and participation, namely, “lack of knowledge about and extra-curricular activities. A lack of parking spaces
group presence and purpose (both locally and nationally), and the fact that institutes in rural geographical areas
organizational name and location” (p. 1598) (Patterson included multiple campuses or program centers separated
et al., 2016). Echoing the results of other international by vast geographical distances were also highlighted as
studies, the authors identified this U3A as a middle-class working against a sense of community among learners.
entity frequented mainly by older persons with higher- Furthermore, staff was reported to be “stretched beyond
than-average levels of educational attainment. Their results the levels of human endurance to keep the existing
align with the previous research stressing how health, programming of high quality” (Brady et al., 2013, p. 636).
caring responsibilities, transportation, and the formal
nature of late-life learning constitute critical barriers to Other barriers earmarked by Brady et al. (2013)
older adult learning. constituted situational barriers. These referred to personal
circumstances that prevented full and active participation
Formosa’s (2021b; 2021c; 2021d) research at a U3A of OLLI members and ranged from ill health to a return
in Malta approached the barriers to older adult learning to employment. Competing programs also hindered the
from a gendered perspective. His findings underlined growth of learning possibilities among older learners,
how U3As not only fail to attract a learning body that especially when OLLIs and other local external entities
represents the Maltese population gender ratio but are also where OLLI members reside offer similar and competing
marked by a double exclusion of older women and men. courses. The competition was also heightened because
On the one hand, U3As tend to perpetuate patriarchal many institutions have tuition-reduction or tuition-
ascendency since older women learners remain less visible exemption policies for retirement-age people. The
during learning programs, as male peers are more likely external competition manifested in public provision
to dominate any discussion despite being in the minority. of adult education, community colleges, retirement
On the other hand, most U3As’ curricula reflect the facilities, hospitals, museums, local parks and recreation
interests of older women (especially health literacy), so programs, and other providers in their geographic
men’s interests in the natural and physical sciences are region. Nevertheless, difficult personalities mean some
overlooked. The author noted that many married women members have a private agenda that may not support the
were often prevented from pursuing their wish to start OLLI community’s overall health. If older learners are
learning. Their husbands, the gendered role expectations hypercritical of OLLI or classmates and vocal about it, it
of their families, and, surprisingly, same-aged women in can impact the atmosphere at the institution, but so can

Volume 9 Issue 3 (2023) 4 https://doi.org/10.36922/ijps.375