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Journal of Chinese
Architecture and Urbanism Chinese cemeteries in Semarang

Figure 3. Illustrative picture of colonial and post-colonial agrarian laws. Source: Drawing by Kezia Dewi based on literature review
were required to have a pass letter to leave Chinatown. This
restriction continued until at least 1916. A waiver from the
requirement to have a pass to leave their settlements was
given only to wealthy Chinese (and their employees) who
owned particuliere eigendom (private) land (Rush, 1983). In
addition, the Chinese were not permitted to purchase land
from native people and were prohibited from interring the
deceased on property owned by the colonial authority.
During the VOC era, Chinese tradition expected burial
Figure 4. Land ownership during colonial times. Source: Drawing by among family members in China after death. However,
Kezia Dewi based on the literature review repatriation to China was expensive. Consequently, many
Chinese had to be buried in the Dutch East Indies, against
authority offered some security for Chinese businessmen traditional conventions. In such cases, overseas Chinese
conducting business (Willmott, 1960). Under colonial communities sought to have their own cemeteries, separate
rule, each ethnic group had its own legal system and courts from other ethnic cemeteries.
(Weber et al., 2003). European law could only be used by As in most cultures, cemeteries were sacred places,
the European community. However, the colonial authority just as important as places for the living. To maintain
allowed the Chinese the option to employ Dutch laws in harmony between society and the physical landscape,
their economic activities due to the extensive business geomancy considerations had to be carefully considered
interactions between Dutch firms and Chinese merchants when locating a grave. A preferred burial site was located
(Purcell, 1951). This arrangement, along with Semarang’s at the intersection of the “azure dragon” and the “white
inclusion in international trade, led to the growth of tiger,” with the former representing boldly rising “male”
a prosperous Chinese trading community in the area. ground and the latter representing softly undulating
Chinese migrants were drawn to Semarang and the Dutch “female” ground. Ideally, the site would have three-fifths
East Indies, but their main goal was to return to China “male” and two-fifths “female” ground, access to breezes in
once they acquired their wealth overseas (Yeoh, 1996). front, closure on the right and left, and a tortuous, winding
Under the passenstelsel, which required the Chinese to stream running before it. Such soil had an abundance of
possess a permit to travel outside their settlements, and beneficial “vital breath,” which boded well for descendants.
wijkenstelsel regulations, the colonial authority restricted In contrast, flat, monotonous surfaces or landscapes with
travel and imposed spatial segregation based on race. The bold, straight lines, such as the presence of a straight line
Chinese had to reside in designated areas (Chinatown) and of ridges, a watershed, a railway embankment, a road,

Volume 6 Issue 3 (2024) 6 https://doi.org/10.36922/jcau.3254