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Journal of Chinese
Architecture and Urbanism Chinese cemeteries in Semarang

cemeteries. This approach differed from Foucault’s Semarang before 1965 revealed that many of them had no
concept of governmentality in the West, which employed religion. However, during that time, the number of converts
a totalizing view of power (Legg, 2005). Legalizing to Christianity rose rapidly, largely as a result of Chinese
something that had already occurred, rather than creating parents enrolling their children in Christian or Catholic
a plan for city development, was the tactic of post- institutions in Indonesia (Willmott, 1960). Although
colonial governmentality in Indonesia. This practice also Chinese Christians still took care of their parents’ graves,
contributed to the disappearance of Semarang’s Chinese their conversion to Christianity also impacted how they
cemeteries. felt about Chinese cemeteries.
Chinese cemeteries in Indonesia fostered a sense of Indonesia, as a new country, was attempting to forge a
belonging to Indonesia for the diaspora community of national identity, notably in urban areas. Decolonization,
Chinese-Indonesians (Salmon, 2021). The burial ground or the transfer of power in a political or economic sense,
had to be maintained at least once a year and visited by was nearly always followed by a shift in symbols. The
the descendants (Salmon, 2016a). Originally, Chinese replacement of old regimen symbols with new regimen
migrants intended to return to China when they reached symbols extended beyond the political to include cultural
old age, considering themselves Chinese citizens. This symbols as well (Wertheim, 1999). The presence of
sentiment persisted among some Chinese-Indonesians Chinese graves in the heart of the city, with their massive
until the 1950s. However, when offered the choice between size dominating the landscape, appeared improper. This
Indonesian or Chinese citizenship after independence, the view was further aggravated by the association of Chinese-
majority selected Indonesian citizenship (Willmott, 1960). Indonesians with traitors, colonial collaborators, and
The Chinese-Indonesians faced prejudice, not only communist sympathizers.
due to racial stratification during the colonial era but 6. Conclusion
also because they were perceived as disloyal citizens.
During the communist insurrection in 1965, Baperki, an Chinese graves from the colonial era illustrate how the
organization created by Chinese descents, affiliated itself colonialists perceived land as a commodity to be marked
with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Although off, divided, modified, and sold for speculative purposes
only a few Chinese-Indonesians were communists, many rather than for its actual value. The colonial authority took
maintained cultural ties with mainland China, and PKI advantage of the cultural needs of the Chinese community
maintained cordial relations with Beijing. in Indonesia by offering privileged individuals valuable
land for sale. Meanwhile, the colonial authorities segregated
Following the uprising, numerous discriminatory
measures against the Chinese-Indonesians were implemented the city and restricted the mobility of other groups.
starting in 1966. The use of the Chinese language and script However, the Chinese-Indonesians, who held more
in publications, including the names of stores and enterprises, political and economic power than the native people, also
was outlawed in Indonesia by the People’s Consultative took advantage of the demand for Chinese cemeteries to
Assembly. Despite this, all Chinese gravestones retained the resist the colonial system. They used cultural grounds to
Chinese inscriptions. The ban on the Chinese language leave their designated settlements and acquire property
and script was legitimized as a tool of integration but was, outside of them by purchasing land for cemeteries on the
in reality, a measure of forced assimilation. In 1967, the outskirts of the city. By the early 20 century, the community
th
President decree made it illegal for Chinese ceremonies had control over land from the city’s borders to the hillsides
and festivals to be performed in public (Keppres, 1967). where the Chinese cemeteries were located. This illustrates
In 1988, the Minister of Public Housing also banned the how the governed or colonized could circumvent limitations
construction or renovation of Chinese temples (Tempo, imposed by the colonizer or the state.
2004). The policies of the New Order regimen further Chinese cemeteries in post-colonial Indonesia were
eroded the political standing of the Chinese community, negatively impacted by the systems established by the
which had already been weakened following Indonesia’s colonialists and the idea that cities served as the engine of
independence. economic development. The municipal government’s top
The Chinese community in Indonesia was terrified by objective was to establish a “good city” that was prosperous,
the political climate following the communist uprising, modern, and had Indonesian characteristics. In pursuit of
fearing being linked to atheism and communism. As this goal, they sacrificed the urban poor by expelling them
Indonesia did not recognize Chinese traditional beliefs from the city center and providing little support when they
as a religion, many Chinese-Indonesians converted to squatted on less valuable lands. Under these circumstances,
Christianity. Willmott’s study of Chinese-Indonesians in with the pressures of urbanization and the weak political

Volume 6 Issue 3 (2024) 13 https://doi.org/10.36922/jcau.3254