Page 70 - IJPS-10-4

International Journal of
Population Studies Migrant traders, social capital, and politics

Historically, the internal migration of the Madurese proliferated, reaching smaller towns such as Kebumen and
people across Indonesia has occurred since the 13 century Sidoarjo. Some migrant traders have even managed to own
th
AD (Husson, 1997). During the pre-colonial era, this more than ten small grocery stalls, yielding substantial
migration was initiated by maritime activities (De Jonge, incomes with minimal government assistance.
1995; Husson, 1997). As skilled sailors, the Madurese Previous studies have explained how various migrant
people sailed and engaged in trade through maritime ethnic groups in Indonesia have come to dominate certain
routes to neighboring regions. They exported goods such economic sectors at their migration sites: The Minangkabau
as fish, salt, shrimp paste, and agricultural produce from in the culinary business sector in many regions of Indonesia
Madura Island. In return, they imported spices, textiles, (Salazar, 2010; 2016), the Bugis in the small trade sector in
fruits, and metals due to local scarcity.
Eastern Indonesia (Jannah et al., 2021), the Buton in the
During the colonial era (17 – 19 century), internal industrial business sector in Eastern Indonesia (Kadir,
th
migration from Madura Island increased rapidly through 2023), and the Madurese in the informal economy sector in
the intervention of the Dutch colonial government (De many regions of Indonesia (Wekke et al., 2019). However,
Jonge, 1995; Losoncz & Marlowe, 2020). Driven by the to the researchers’ knowledge, there is no in-depth study
need for cheap labor, the Dutch colonial government specifically discussing the rapid development of small
actively sent Madurese people, especially to Java, to grocery stalls owned by Madurese migrant networks in
work on sugar, coffee, and rubber plantations. Madurese Jakarta. Furthermore, in contrast to previous studies,
plantation workers were highly favored for their reputation none have analyzed the socioeconomic independence of
as diligent, resilient, and hardworking laborers, even in Warung Madura from the perspective of social capital and
challenging natural conditions (De Jonge, 1995; Husson, the politics of local wisdom. Specifically, it aimed to refine
1997). During this phase, permanent settlements were the classical and common arguments that minority migrant
established in several major cities in Java, such as Surabaya, groups tend to be forced to adapt to their new environment
Jember, Malang, Solo, Semarang, and Pekalongan (De amidst various deprivations (Papastergiadis, 2000; Berry,
Jonge, 1995; Husson, 1997). 2005; Portes et al., 2005; Deshingkar, 2006).
The subsequent phase began in the post-colonial and Amidst the proliferation of large modern minimarket
post-independence eras of the 20 century and continues retail chains in Indonesia, such as Indomaret and
th
to the present. During this time, internal migration Alfamart, supported by substantial funding, the existence
among the Madurese people increased significantly, with and dominance of Warung Madura and the socioeconomic
movements extending from Aceh to Papua (De Jonge, 1995; independence of the migrant traders are intriguing areas for
Lücking, 2017). Improved transportation access, economic in-depth study. By integrating approaches from economic
development in new centers, and growing economic needs history, social capital, and the politics of local wisdom, this
encouraged migration, especially among the youth. As a study aims to provide an in-depth explanation of internal
result, Madurese people can now be found in metropolitan migration, focusing on the crucial roles of social capital
cities such as Jakarta, Surabaya, Bandung, Semarang, and and the politics of local wisdom. The study addresses two
Yogyakarta, as well as in Medan, Banjarmasin, Makassar, main questions: first, what are the forms and roles of social
and Ambon (Wekke et al., 2019). In these new locations, capital that enable Madurese grocery stall owners to build
they predominantly work in the informal economy, socioeconomic independence in their new environment in
holding jobs as street vendors, satay sellers, motorcycle Jakarta? Second, how does local wisdom – encompassing
taxi drivers, pedicab drivers, barbers, scrap collectors, and ethnic values, norms, traditions, customs, and cultural
small grocery stalls (De Jonge, 1995; Wekke et al., 2019). behaviors – play an important role and become a
Distinctive Madurese small grocery stalls, known in differentiating factor in building the socioeconomic
Indonesian as “Warung Madura,” started developing in the independence of these migrant traders?
late 1990s and early 2000s, due to the post-reform era (Era 2. Methods
Reformasi). Unlike Warung Batak (commonly known as
“Warung Ucok,” owned by Batak people from Sumatera) or To address the research questions, this study employed a
Warung Kuningan (owned by the people of Kuningan, West mixed-method approach, combining both quantitative and
Java), which do not have specific characteristics, Warung qualitative methods (Mu & Yeung, 2018), conducted from
Madura is rich in Madurese identity and characteristics. The June to October 2023 in Jakarta. In the quantitative phase,
first Warung Madura in Jakarta was opened in the Tanjung data were collected from 200 Madurese grocery stall owners
Priok area and was owned and managed by migrant traders or employees in Greater Jakarta. Of these respondents,
from Sumenep, Madura. Gradually, these grocery stalls more than half were male (110 individuals [55%]), and

Volume 10 Issue 4 (2024) 64 https://doi.org/10.36922/ijps.2637