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Yiqing Yang and Ming Wen

                             ents’ identity salience hierarchies, higher than their worker role (Thoits, 1992), accounting for a prom-
                             inent source of identity. Unlike most other social roles that have specified durations and clear boun-
                             daries, the parental role never ends. It may become even more important in late life because old age
                             is a life phase that frequently brings in negative changes in social roles (Pudrovska, 2009). Older
                             adults, for instance, often face the loss of some salient roles (e.g., the worker role, and possibly, the
                             spouse role) undertaken in earlier adulthood (Orth, Maes, and Schmitt, 2015).
                                It is the quality of experiences in social roles, however, rather than role occupancy per se, the
                             number of roles, or the amount of time spent in a particular role, is more important to psychological
                             outcomes (Barnett and Hyde, 2001; Thoits, 1992). Krause (1995; 2005) found, for example, that
                             negative dimensions of social ties were a particular source of unhappiness and distress. Ryan and
                             Willits (2007) further indicated that having a satisfying relationship with adult children, rather than
                             the frequency of parent-child interactions, was significantly associated with older people’s personal
                             feelings of  well-being.  These findings suggest that parent-perceived quality  of relationship  with
                             offspring should be associated with parental satisfaction in later life. We thus formulated:

                                Hypothesis 1: Relationship quality with offspring is positively associated with
                                parental satisfaction.

                                Furthermore, parental expectations of offspring’s various types of support may be related to pa-
                             rental satisfaction in late life in the context of China. Despite filial obligation to one’s parents being a
                             moral imperative found in almost all societies (Silverstein, Conroy, and Gans, 2012), the norms go-
                             verning parental support differ between Western and Chinese cultures, with the former preferring
                             independence and the latter valuing interdependence (Markus and Kitayama, 1991). Unlike in West-
                             ern cultures where filial duty is often viewed as the practice of caring for aging parents “at times of
                             need” (Gans and Silverstein, 2006), filial duty in the form of filial piety within Confucian culture
                             requires offspring providing sufficient emotional, physical, and financial support to  older  parents
                             (Johnson, 1983; Wang, Laidlaw, Power et al., 2010) regardless of parental needs (Kim, Cheng, Zarit
                             et al., 2015). It is likely that such differential cultural norms can affect role quality by way of affect-
                             ing role practices (Barnett and Hyde, 2001), given that social integration and support may be condi-
                             tioned upon cultural context (Thoits, 2011). Therefore, we theorized our second hypothesis:

                                Hypothesis 2a: Offspring’s emotional support is positively associated with
                                parental satisfaction.

                                Hypothesis 2b: Offspring’s practical/instrumental support is positively associated
                                with parental satisfaction.

                                Hypothesis 2c: Offspring’s financial support is positively associated with parental
                                satisfaction.

                                Moreover, filial piety, as a multifaceted concept, is a much broader belief system (Li, Pang, Chen
                             et al., 2010) beyond providing emotional, practical, and financial support. It also prescribes, for in-
                             stance, a set of behaviors and attitudes requires a child showing love and respect towards one’s par-
                             ents. In contemporary Chinese, (being) filial is used to indicate that a child has successfully behaved
                             in ways consistent with the parents’ cultural expectations of filial piety. Accordingly, learning to be a
                             filial child is “the essential first step toward being socialized to be an acceptable adult member of
                             society” (Ho, Xie, Liang et al., 2012). An adult child who fails to meet the parent’s expectations of
                             filial piety thus exhibits filial discrepancy (Cheng and Chan, 2006) and is considered unfilial or less
                             than filial. Consequently,  offspring’s filial  discrepancy  may heighten  parental feelings of social
                             stigma and make parents view their parental role as a failure — self-critical thoughts that are detri-

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