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Values, environmental vulnerabilities and adaptation in India
financially. Thus, we can see that the vulnerability of the Raikas to environmental change is high as they rely heavily on
natural resources for livestock management, whose availability is increasingly uncertain.
“If there is less rain, there will be less agricultural production. If there is less agriculture, there will be less fodder for
my livestock. It is all interdependent.” (60-year-old pastoralist)
The variability in rainfall directly impacts livestock management and agriculture. Heavy rainfall brings a different
set of challenges. Sheep and goats refuse to walk in waterlogged areas, and thus, feeding them becomes a challenge. It
also exposes livestock to physical injury as their hooves get puffed, insects take shelter in the grooves, and they are more
prone to stepping on poisonous angrezi babul (Prosopis juliflora) thorns in these conditions. Finally, the risk of loss of
agricultural produce due to heavy rains can lead to a shortage of fodder for cattle.
“The rainfall has decreased significantly. Where is the rainfall now? Now, it comes for a few days and then goes.
Earlier, it used to rain for all four months.” (55-year-old Raika)
3.2.3. Socioeconomic factors
The Raikas are also investing more financial resources in educating their children. This is an additional expenditure that
needs to be borne from their meager pool of resources. It was not part of their financial expense earlier, as the children
were expected to undertake livestock management.
“My son is good in studies. So, I have put him in a private school. If we pay money, they will make him study… There
is a village nearby that is good for education, but the expense is high.” (55-year-old Raika)
Furthermore, the shrinkage of pastures and inaccessibility of forests is forcing them to purchase fodder from farmers
or pay grazing fees to the forest department (Sharma and Sharma, 2015). There has also been a decrease in the selling
price of wool and dairy attributed to government import of second-hand wool from abroad. All of these factors are leading
to a decrease in their financial capital.
There are considerable safety risks faced by the Raikas in their day-to-day lives. These range from the breakdown in
their relationship with farmers to the threat of theft and physical violence during seasonal livestock migration. The literature
indicates a harmonious and symbiotic relationship with farmers in the past (Agrawal, 1993; Geerlings, 2004). Raikas’ cattle
supplied manure to farmers, and the same fields could be used for fodder. The shift toward chemical fertilizers and round-the-
year cultivation has led to a reduction of fallow periods, turning the Raikas into unwelcome guests. This has caused further
marginalization and isolation of the community. A 45-year-old pastoralist reported this about the treatment meted out to them by
farmers: The farmers tell them, “Hey, this is my property. Take them [the cattle] out of here.” Their lived experience of conflict
and theft during the migration cycle is corroborated by multiple studies (Agrawal, 1994; Geerlings, 2004; LPPS, 2004).
3.3. Adaptation Pathways
3.3.1. Seasonal livestock migration, reduction, and sale
Seasonal livestock migration is the Raikas’ traditional adaptation pathway to environmental vulnerabilities. It entails
migrating at the end of the monsoon season and continues for 6-9 months, contingent on fodder and water availability
(Agrawal, 1993). When asked how they would respond to a drought tomorrow morning, all the livestock-rearing
respondents spoke about the necessity of migration.
“As long as we keep livestock, we will have to migrate during drought.” (35-year-old Raika)
Seasonal livestock migration remains a viable adaptation option in the face of severe environmental distress. However,
as shown earlier, this strategy is declining in popularity in the past two decades and is practiced as a measure of the last
resort. It meets their health values as it allows them to enjoy the pristine rural environment and lifestyle. However, it does
not offer them safety, belongingness, accomplishment, or self-actualization.
Livestock reduction, on the other hand, entails periodic selling of cattle to meet household expenses. The past two
decades have witnessed more and more households employing this strategy. A lesser number of livestock allows them
to become sedentary as they can find sufficient fodder for them in the nearby areas. It also insulates them from heavy
financial losses that may arise if their livestock’s health deteriorates in harsh environmental conditions. Some Raikas
choose to sell off their entire cattle and shift to other livelihood strategies. These alternative sources of livelihood better
shield them from environmental stressors and offer them the opportunity to become sedentary, which has gained prestige
and prominence. Thus, this strategy is more aligned with safety, belongingness, health, and self-actualization values.
“I sell livestock for money. It is important for us. The whole family is dependent on it. We are also selling because if
we keep less, we can manage with less fodder.” (35-year-old Raika)
62 International Journal of Population Studies | 2020, Volume 6, Issue 1

