Page 16 - IJPS-9-3

International Journal of
Population Studies Barriers to learning at a U3A in Lebanon

her feelings originate in some bias, she justified them with unwillingness and inability to socialize and the overlapping
his — the annoying classmate’s — lack of social awareness attitudes of social bias and prejudice.
and skills: “So sometimes you think I should be better
than this, but to what extent can you be the better person? 6. Discussion
I don’t know how you want to consider this, but it does This study defined barriers as the (un)intended
happen.” In disagreement, another participant cautioned consequences of interactions among institutional agents
that all classmates deserve respect, for they are at the U3A at a U3A in Lebanon. It identified two types of barriers.
to learn and not to be judged. The first type consisted of consequences to (inter)actions
Other more articulated forms of social bias and involving older learners with teachers and administrators.
prejudice emerging from the data pointed toward social The second type included the consequences of social
divisions amongst the learning body. By ticking the (inter)actions that manifest among learners at the U3A.
“wrong” boxes on one’s socioeconomic background Such findings are herein discussed from three analytical
checklist, a learner can risk social rejection by fellow viewpoints.
learners. Some study participants were concerned that First, there is an expected but striking similarity between
the educational experience at the U3A is designed to suit the barriers identified in this study and those reported in
the educational and social needs of what they called the the previous literature, including an earlier examination of
“elite.” One participant recalled that on its launch, the the educational barriers at the same U3A (see Hachem &
U3A membership was characterized by the dominance Vuopala, 2016), meaning that little has changed. Traffic,
of middle-class older persons. Later, when learners from traveling distance, and parking space availability arose as
lower social classes began to join, many middle-class critical issues hindering the timely attendance of learners
members did not renew their membership at the U3A. (Boulton-Lewis et al., 2016; Brady et al., 2013; Hansen
For instance, Thérèse claimed that most members did not et al., 2019; Patterson et al., 2016; Silverstein et al., 2002).
favor the participation of less affluent colleagues at the Moreover, members who commute from relatively far
U3A. She recalled that when a new female member from distances are disadvantaged compared to peers who live
a “not-so-dominant cultural background” joined the U3A, nearby or in the capital (Beirut), where the learning avenue
she “did not know how to behave to integrate” and, hence, is situated (Boulton-Lewis et al., 2016; Hachem & Vuopala,
“could not fit in.” Not only were social divisions based on 2016). The same also applies to teaching mismanagement
socioeconomic and cultural backgrounds, but social bias and class organization and protocols, as difficulties tend
and prejudice were based on presumed sexual orientation to be addressed in a puerile manner, such as admonishing
and even certain religious beliefs, the undermining of late arrivals for disturbing the classroom (Silverstein et al.,
which evoked feelings of alienation for some older learners. 2002).
Oula allegedly felt excluded from a field trip because of her Findings also included insufficient offerings of interest
religious opinions, which were not looked on favorably and poor instructional techniques that seem to fail to evoke
by the group members overseeing the trip organization.
Although she dismissed the incident by saying that “people a sensational effect in participants and, on the contrary,
are free,” she poignantly added that there was no doubt that diminish their interest levels (Boulton-Lewis et al., 2016).
The satisfaction with teachers, teaching methodologies,
other members at the U3A appreciated her. On the same and curricula content is a matter of personal preferences
note, Thérèse remarked that one of her classmates was but tends to wear down the learning experience of those
made fun of whenever he spoke during the sessions, a bias
that seems to be based on his presumed sexual orientation: whose needs and desires remain unmet. Similarly, the
language of instruction arose as an essential barrier that
Actually, we have a problem at the U3A. Every time remains difficult to resolve (Hachem & Vuopala, 2016).
he speaks, they make fun of him […] of course people The language of instruction can be problematic to those
are mean to him and laugh at him because he is who do not speak it well enough, leading to a language-
homosexual. His attitude and the way he talks makes based course attendance and participation rather than an
it obvious that he is homosexual. (Thérèse)
interest-based one. Findings also highlight teachers’ lack
Even when learners are not directly subjected to of life experiences and, consequently, the relevance of such
outspoken remarks, Thérèse sensed negativity toward experience to the lives of older learners, which signals
particular learners, especially those generally perceived dynamics of intergenerational discord. Taken together,
as “different.” To sum up, this theme of barriers emerged these barriers not only threaten the learning experience at
as (un)intended consequences of (inter)actions involving learning avenues targeting older persons but they hamper
mainly learners with other learners. They consisted of the the educational ethos of late-life learning institutions and,

Volume 9 Issue 3 (2023) 10 https://doi.org/10.36922/ijps.375