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Journal of Chinese
Architecture and Urbanism Spatial evolution of Fuzhou and Xiamen ports

as it was free of farmland or graves and only contained The development of petroleum companies in trading
temples (Institute of Modern History: 02-13-003-02-002, ports has provided new impetus for port economies,
1907). During negotiations with the Chinese government, spurring the construction of oil depots, docks, and other
Standard Oil Company frequently referenced prior Qing facilities across various locations. To begin, regulations
approvals for building oil tanks but failed to produce any must be established to ensure the safety of surrounding
regulations. Operating without formal authorization for residents and water areas. In addition, in land leasing,
years, they eventually sought permission to expand. Only in intermediaries or agents facilitate land purchases, with
the Republican era were regulations amended and security further requirements set for the installation of dock
deposits required, as in the case of Yamu Island in Fuzhou. bridges. Petroleum companies often collaborate in
In 1916, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs approved Standard constructing oil tanks, resulting in these facilities being
Oil Company’s addition of two tanks on Yamu Island, each located close to each other or directly facing one another.
measuring approximately 30 ft in diameter and 10 ft wide In the 1920s, during a period of exclusionary policies in
(Institute of Modern History: 03-16-004-02-001, 1916). China, kerosene import volumes and prices rose, reflecting
That same year, Dodwell, Carill and Co. transferred its two the influence of the “invisible hand” of market mechanisms.
oil tanks in Mawei and Yamu Island to Asiatic Petroleum This phenomenon led petroleum commodities to return
Company (Institute of Modern History: 02-13-003-02- to free-market values, underscoring the essential role of
002, 1901). The 1920s marked a new chapter as Japanese petroleum products in the daily lives of Chinese people,
consuls outlined plans for a commercial port on Yamu particularly in lighting and fuel applications. Furthermore,
Island. By 1926, Standard Oil Company unfolded a visual influenced by multiple forces, petroleum companies and
spectacle – a distribution map for its South China Branch, their commodities demonstrated the impact of the “visible
showing locations near Pagoda Anchorage in Fuzhou. hand,” illustrating the interactive relationships between
The narrative reached a peak in 1927 when workers at the colonialism, mercantilism, and capitalism within the
Asiatic Petroleum Company staged a strike in Fuzhou (The context of the globalized market.
North-China Daily News, 1927) (Figure 9).
4. Conclusion

Through an in-depth examination of the spatial evolution
of the ports in Fuzhou and Xiamen amid maritime
technological changes, this article unveils the intricate
interplay between colonialism, mercantilism, and
capitalism in shaping urban spaces. It sheds light on the
complex interactions between port development and
socio-cultural practices, revealing similar patterns in the
development of interrelated port cities. In this process,
modern mercantilism plays a transformative role,
significantly influencing the development of port spaces.
During the era of sailing ships, Western colonizers
introduced new technologies that became a key driving
force in shaping the port spaces of Fuzhou and Xiamen.
Colonizers integrated these cities into the global colonial
network by establishing shipyards and other infrastructure,
Figure 8. Topographical map of Songyu, 1932. Source: Drawing by the creating urban spatial forms aligned with strategic
authors. objectives. Simultaneously, mercantilist ideology during

A B C

Figure 9. Port spatial landscape: Oil company. (A) Stone Dashizi and Asia Petroleum Company oil depot. (B) Asia Petroleum Company factory buildings
and oil depots. (C) View of the relocation site for Asia Petroleum Company from Qilin Mountain. Source: Ziri Collection (https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/
SNjsH94XBeJBjpkgrhSUXw).
Volume 7 Issue 1 (2025) 11 https://doi.org/10.36922/jcau.3495