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Upadhyay AK et al.

1. Introduction
Forced migration poses challenges that modulate its influence based on the intensity. The last few decades have witnessed
an increase in the inclination to study the impact of forced migration on population development. An estimated number
of 230 million people are currently living as international migrants, and the number is projected to surpass 400 million
by 2050 (Martin， 2013). In addition to the people who cross international borders, more than two to three times as many
probably are internal migrants, people who have moved within their own countries (Esipova et al., 2013). The experts in
the study of forced displacement have projected that between 25 million to one billion people are expected to displace
from their current environment to a new point of destination over the next 40 years (OCHA/IDMC, 2009). The last two
decades have seen an upsurge in the occurrence of the sudden-onset climate-related natural disasters, resulting in the
displacement of more than 20 million people in 2008 alone (OCHA/IDMC, 2009). The less developed regions are more
likely to face forced migration-related challenges due to their higher dependency on climate-sensitive factors and lower
adaptive capacity in terms of human, financial and natural resources as well as restricted institutional and technological
capabilities (Kniveton et al., 2008).
Sudden forced displacement can have substantial repercussions on a child’s overall development. Unlike its short-
term impact on consumption and income, forced migration can deliver a more enduring shock that affects the overall
well-being of households, specifically children in the infancy stage. Forced migration during infancy may affect a child’s
cognitive well-being in several ways. First, it may result in poor mental health of the mother. A number of previous studies
have reported that poor mental health of the mother was negatively associated with the child’s growth and cognitive
development (Bennett et al., 2015). Second, it may be associated with a lack of nutrient intake, low immunization,
childhood diseases and lower access to health care, which may lead to poor development of children at later ages.
Kondylis (2005) reported that conflict-induced migration has a negative impact on returnees’ stock of human capital
(Kondylis， 2005). Rousseau et al., (1999) also examined the intergenerational effect of displacement on mental health.
They reported that trauma experienced by parents before displacement was positively associated with risk behavior
and school failure in boys. However, in the case of girls, trauma was associated with positive social adjustment. In
a study in Colombia, the likelihood of chronic malnutrition due to forced displacement was found to range between
12.6% and 18.1% (Ortiz Becerra, 2014). Various studies have examined child immunization among refugee and
displaced populations. Children born during increased hostilities in Sierra Leone were found lacking in age-appropriate
immunization (Senessie et al., 2007). Hildebrandt et al., (2005) showed that migration may reduce the likelihood of
breastfeeding and vaccinations (Hildebrandt et al., 2005). Some studies have shown that as a consequence of forced and
environmental displacement, dropout rates were observed among children aged 12 years and above increased due to the
emergence of alternative sources of household income (Ibáñez et al., 2010; World Bank, 2013). A study using the Young
Lives data from Peru found maternal migration to be positively associated with child nutritional status, but found no
significant effect of migration on cognitive development at the age of 5 years (Flores et al., 2009).
Pieces of evidence confirm the immediate and the long-term health implications of forced migration on the
disadvantaged groups particularly in terms of child outcomes (Avogo et al., 2010; Ortiz Becerra, 2014; Rossi, 2008).
Forced migration directly impacts childhood mortality through malnourishment and physical injuries. The less prominent
impact includes psychological distress affecting a child’s cognitive ability due to forced exit from a familiar environment
to an unusual destination. Forced migrants are, therefore, more exposed to child developmental vulnerabilities as against
non-forced migrants, who are better equipped to deal with the immediate as well as long-term disturbances arising out of
migration (Agadjanian et al., 2003; Avogo et al., 2010; Doocy et al., 2007; Guha Sapir et al., 2004; O’Hare et al., 2007).
The availability of a social support system during forced migration helps to build a social environment that enables the
displaced people to organize their life at the new destination. Displaced pregnant women seek prenatal care in order to
ensure safe and healthy delivery. Support and referral services for such women are both directly and indirectly linked to
child survival as well as development. In the absence of support, disturbances at the destination can result in abnormalities
among the displaced children due to variations in the genetic, cognitive, physical, family, cultural, nutritional, educational,
and environmental factors.
There is ample international literature on the impact of forced migration on early childhood nutritional development,
schooling, household income, food consumption and adult human capital. However, there is no empirical study related
to the effect of early childhood internal forced migration on children’s cognitive well-being during later childhood in
India. This may be on account of lack of data about migrant people. The present study aims to fills this gap by examining

International Journal of Population Studies | 2017, Volume 3, Issue 2 17