Page 36 - JCAU-5-2

Journal of Chinese
Architecture and Urbanism Industrial space renewal in Hong Kong and Shanghai

encouraged the private sector and was characterized to the national level to negotiate with central state-owned
by a bottom-up approach. In a political milieu with an enterprise (SOE) and downscales to the district level
omnipotence of government power, such as China, urban for efficient relocation (Chan & Li, 2017). Therefore,
renewal is mostly carried out under the guidance and disentangling the roles and functions of governments at
regulation of the public sector, characterized by top-down multiple levels and those “government-affiliated agents”
approaches. (such as administrative committees, subdistrict offices, and
development companies with government backgrounds) is
Although market forces have played an increasingly
important role in renewal in recent years in cities such as the key to enriching literature on urban political economy
in the context of China.
Shenzhen, China’s marketization does not mean the retreat
of government power. Instead, the government’s regulatory Renewal of industrial space is shaped by different
power has been strengthened through marketization (Li & participants (including original owners or land rights
Chan, 2017b; Ding & Wu, 2017). holders, public sector of renewal implementation
entities, planning preparation and approval entities,
2.2. Urban political-economic theory and industrial developers, etc.) wherein powers flow in between to create
space renewal diversified paths to policy mobility and policymaking
The theory of urban political economy opens the way to (Smith, 1992; Li et al., 2022; Feng & Tang, 2013).
understanding urban governance contextually and informs 3. Industrial space renewal policy and
renewal research of urban industrial space (Shen, 2000).
The earlier political-economic analysis focused on how practices in Hong Kong
urban government copes with urban affairs and relations of Since the 1980s, with policy implementation of opening up
government and business community (Stone, 1989; Logan and FDI attraction in mainland China, the manufacturing
and Molotch, 1987; Kantor, 1996). With the acceleration industry in Hong Kong has continued to transfer to the
of capital expansion against economic globalization, the Pearl River Delta and inland areas due to geographical
theory of urban political economy has been widely used proximity, social relations, and lower costs, resulting in
in countries and cross-regions to analyze the influence of the well-known “front door, back factory” mode between
the flow of capital and local politics on cities; examples Hong Kong and Guangdong (Yeh & Xu, 2008; Liao &
include governance of urban renewal in shrinking cities Chan, 2011). Hong Kong has experienced rounds of
in East Germany (Bernt, 2009), comparative study of de-industrialization, with substantial industrial spaces
urban planning mechanisms in Hong Kong, Singapore, vacant or unused, and renewal of industrial buildings
and Taiwan (Ng, 1999), and comparative study of the has become the foci of the government of the Hong Kong
developmental paths of large-scale projects in Kop van Zuid SAR. Given that private industrial buildings with multiple
Island in Rotterdam and Glasgow Harbor (Doucet, 2013). ownerships account for nearly 70% of the total number
1
These studies mainly address the role of private forces of industrial buildings , the Hong Kong government has
or how government and the market interact in urban been working hard to deregulate and released two rounds
operations, but changes in policies and the consequent of revitalization policies in 2010 and 2018 to encourage
planning modes remain less understood. flexible reuse, retrofitting, and renovation of industrial
buildings. These reconstructions were mainly distributed
In China, market mechanisms were introduced to in Kwun Tong, Kwai Chung, Tsuen Wan, Sheung Shui, Tuen
accumulate wealth rather than to reduce the capacity of Mun, Shatin, Chai Wan, and Aberdeen (Figure 1), which
the government (Zhang & Chen, 2016). This is reflected in played an important role in promoting the socioeconomic
cases such as Tian Zifang in Shanghai, where grassroots- transition of Hong Kong.
level authority that the street office administratively The first round of revitalization policy was implemented
empowered enabled the mobilization of social resources from April 2010 to March 2016, also known as “Industrial
and the enlargement of interest-binding coalitions to Building Revitalization Policy 1.0,” in line with the six-
promote urban renewal. The case study of Songjiang New pillar industries: education, medical care, testing and
Town unfolds that investment and development companies certification, environmental protection, innovation and
with networked relations to government and economic technology, and cultural and creative industry. During this
autonomy are able to expand the jurisdictional power of period, the Lands Department received 22 reconstruction
district government over new towns, thus propelling new applications and 226 retrofitting applications. As of
town development (Li & Chiu, 2017). Research on the
spatial restructuring of the Shanghai Expo identifies the 1 Refer to: Industrial buildings in Hong Kong (ISSH30/18-19). (2019).
key role of municipal government, whose power upgrades Legislative Council Secretariat, Research Office, Hong Kong.

Volume 5 Issue 2 (2023) 3 https://doi.org/10.36922/jcau.0431