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International Journal of
Population Studies Marital dissolution in India

ages, the gradual loss of egalitarian and progressive values outcomes between the current relationship and alternative
in Indian society led to the denial of leverage to women. opportunities.
The British Indian Government, in collaboration with In the Indian context, social exchange theory provides
progressive Indians, implemented various social reforms valuable perspectives on factors contributing to marital
in the form of legislation in the latter centuries, which dissolution. When individuals consistently encounter
accelerated the process of social change (Rangarao & Sekhar, challenges such as financial issues, mental and sexual
2002). The Hindu Marriage Act of 1956 was amended to incompatibility, infidelity, impotency, or domestic violence
facilitate mutual consent divorce, often known as “no-fault in their marriage, they may explore alternative options or
divorce.” Divorce rates in India have increased since the choose to dissolve the marriage. Several studies in Indian
amendment (Amato, 1994). While India still maintains literature have revealed that women who were married as
lower marriage breakup rates compared to western child brides face a significantly higher risk of experiencing
countries, recent estimates indicate an exponential growth marital dissolution. Moreover, a majority of urban areas in
in divorce cases (Huang, 2005; Dummett, 2011; Dutta,
2013). The Census 2011 data provide a good opportunity India experience marital disintegration through separation
to understand the phenomenon as it separately enumerates and divorce (Adedini et al., 2020). Approximately 80%
individuals who were divorced from those who were of Indian women who sought divorce cited “cruelty or
separated. According to the census, 13.6 lakh people have domestic violence in their marital homes” as the reason
divorced, accounting for 0.24% of Indians who have ever (Singh, 2013). Additionally, according to the 2011 Census,
been married and 0.11% of the country’s entire population. there are roughly 3 times as many separated individuals
as there are divorced individuals, whereby separated
As India undergoes societal transformations, traditional individuals constitute 0.61% of married people and 0.29%
marriage unions are gradually being replaced by western of the general population, whereas divorced individuals
family structures such as nucleation and cohabitation, account for 0.24% and 0.11%, respectively. The absence
leading to notable shifts in Indian family systems of children in a marriage often exerts significant strain
(Dommaraju, 2016). Numerous attempts have been made on marital ties because children are the primary focus
to formulate explanations for marital dissolution, mainly of family life. Consequently, men may view a childless
in western countries. The primary models explaining union as justification for seeking remarriage, whether or
breakups in close relationships are rooted in social not they choose to divorce their first spouse. Although
exchange theory. One influential social exchange theory some childless women try to create new identities and
is the interdependence theory of relationships (Thibaut & preserve their marriages together (Riessman, 2000),
Kelley, 1959). This theory focuses on two key concepts: for many couples, childlessness marks the end of their
outcomes and evaluations of outcomes. Outcomes are marriage. If marital stability were supported by factors
based on the rewards gained and the costs incurred such as marital satisfaction, a symmetrical gender power
in a relationship, where rewards encompass positive dynamic, an equitable socio-legal system, and egalitarian
experiences that bring pleasure, while costs encompass beliefs, the relatively low rate of divorce in India might be
negative experiences such as embarrassment or anxiety. perceived as a desirable arrangement (Dommaraju, 2016).
The magnitude of rewards depends on individual needs and However, women who are divorced or separated lack legal
values and how well these align with the partner’s actions. protections and are not entitled to any of the property or
Thibaut and Kelley identified two types of evaluations of assets accrued during the marriage (Agnes, 2011; Singh,
outcomes: (i) the personal comparison level of outcomes 2013). In addition, literature has demonstrated an inverse
and (ii) the comparison level for alternatives. The personal association between the number of children and the risk of
comparison level reflects an individual’s expectations for divorce, particularly in rural areas. Older women with only
the quality of outcomes in their relationship. If rewards female offspring and childless couples were found to have a
surpass costs based on this standard, the relationship higher incidence of divorce (Bose & South, 2003).
is deemed satisfactory; otherwise, it may be seen as
unsatisfactory. On the other hand, the comparison level Micro-level statistics on marital status are available
for alternatives is the lowest level of outcomes attainable through surveys, with numerous large-scale, nationally
outside the relationship. Individuals weigh the rewards representative demographic, household, and health
and costs of other potential options. As long as the surveys having been carried out in India over the past
balance of outcomes favors the ongoing relationship over two decades. Thus, this paper aims to utilize such survey
available alternatives, individuals are inclined to stay in data to estimate the prevalence, trends, variations, and
that relationship. Therefore, decisions regarding whether determinants of marital dissolution in India. By analyzing
to leave or stay in a relationship hinge on the balance of nationally representative survey data, we seek to provide

Volume 11 Issue 3 (2025) 28 https://doi:10.36922/ijps.1681