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Polygyny and spousal violence in India

2002; Kiros & Kertzer, 2000; Lardoux & van de Walle, 2003; Rice, 2000; Rahaman et al., 2022; Sichona, 1993; White
& Burton, 1988).
Polygyny has several negative consequences such as gender inequality, subordination of women, unequal treatment
of spouses, neglect of children, rivalling step-children, and inheritance issues among children/spouses (Al-Krenawi &
Lev-Wiesel 2002a; Al-Krenawi et al., 2002b; Al-Krenawi, 2001; Cherian, 1989). Polygyny also affects spousal age
differences, coital frequency, child survival, marital relationships, widowhood, and mental health (Arthi & Fenske,
2018; Ashby & Gupta, 2013; Brainard, 1991; Lardoux & van de Walle, 2003; Lesthaeghe et al., 1989; Shepard, 2013;
Timaeus & Reynar, 1998). Contemporary social scientists have explored the effect of polygamous marriage systems on
gender relations . As a part of the global effort to address the gender equality and women’s empowerment, the Sustainable
Development Goal five (SDG-5) of the United Nations targets to eliminate all forms of violence against women by 2030.
Specifically, the indicator 5.2.1 of SDG-5 monitors “the proportion of ever-partnered women and girls aged 15 years and
older subjected to physical, sexual, and psychological violence by a current or former intimate partner in the previous
12 months” (United Nations, 2015 p. 18). In view of the SDG-5 and the emerging literature pointing toward the effect of
polygyny on gender relations, it would be appropriate to examine its effect on spousal violence.
Spousal violence has been linked to several health consequences for women, physical injury, unwanted or forced
sex, pregnancy losses, contraction of sexually transmitted diseases, depression, and psychological distress for women
(Durevall & Lindskog, 2015; Mason & Lodrick, 2013; WHO, 2013; WHO, 2021b). Studies conducted to identify the
determinants of spousal violence have found the age at first marriage, spousal age difference, education, wealth index,
women’s autonomy, place of residence, and race/ethnicity, controlling behavior of men and alcohol use by men as some of
its important predictors (Kimuna & Djamba, 2013; Goli et al., 2020; Parekh et al., 2022). Recent literature also indicates
that the type of marital union (monogamy and polygamy) has an effect on spousal violence (Behrman, 2019; Jansen
& Agadjanian, 2020; Ahinkorah, 2021). Polygyny is a harmful practice and a form of violence against women under
international law (Boltz & Chort, 2016). In general, it results in a variety of physical, sexual, and psychological harm to
women.
According to NFHS-4 (conducted in 2015 – 2016), 26.4% of the ever-married women have experienced physical,
sexual, or emotional violence in India (IIPS & ICF, 2017). In India, 52% of women and 42% of men agree that a husband
is justified in hitting or beating his wife, indicating that it is a gendered norm that husbands have the right to control their
wives through violence (IIPS & ICF, 2017). These gendered attitudes reflect that the broader gender inequalities in India
are deeply rooted in the marital system that forces a woman to be younger than her husband, dowry to be paid to the
husband’s family, reside in husband’s residence after marriage, and lack of inheritance of parental property. Polygynous
form of marriage, along with traditional patriarchal norm of male dominance in decision making and female subordination,
may lead to increased risk of spousal violence. Considering the lack of research in India with respect to the prevalence
of polygyny and its impact on gender relations, this study aims to explore the association between polygyny and spousal
violence in India. The availability of data both on polygyny and spousal violence in the fifth round of the National Family
Health Survey (NFHS) of India (conduced in 2019 – 2021) makes it possible to look into their association. The paper is
presented as follows: after introduction, the paper focuses on the literature review and polygyny in India, followed by data
and methods, results, discussion, conclusion, and finally limitations.
1.1. Literature review

Gender-based violence is globally recognized as a violation of basic human rights, particularly against women. It is
defined by the United Nations as “any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual,
or mental harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion, or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether
occurring in public or in private life” (United Nations, 1993, p. 3). Increasing body of the literature has highlighted its
extent, pattern, causes, and consequences. Spousal or intimate partner violence is the most widespread common form of
violence against women globally (Kishor & Johnson, 2004; Garcia-Moreno et al., 2005; Hindin et al., 2008; the WHO,
2021a). Analysis of prevalence data in 2000 – 2018 across 161 countries and areas by the WHO found that worldwide,
nearly 1 in 3 women were subjected to physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner or non-partner sexual
violence or both (the WHO, 2021a). Gender-based violence exists in many forms and spousal/intimate partner violence
has been regarded as its most significant component. Spousal violence often serves to reinforce the prevailing gendered
power relations in the families, communities, and regions. In patriarchal societies, violence against women is used as a
tool to reinforce control on women (ICRW, 2004; Jakobsen, 2014; Jewkes et al., 2015; Weitzman, 2014).
Polygyny is a form of violence against women under international law (Boltz & Chort, 2016). In general, it results in
a variety of physical, sexual, and psychological harm to women. Some studies revealed that polygamy creates inequality

116 International Journal of Population Studies | 2021, Volume 7, Issue 1