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Nagarajan and Sahoo

amongst co-wives since the husband cannot care for and cater to the needs of more than one wife. The odds of intimate
partner violence (IPV) is higher among women with co-wives compared to those in monogamous marriages (Heath et al.,
2020; Jansen & Agadjanian, 2020; Rahaman et al., 2022). The literature also suggests that women involved in polygyny
are susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases, infertility, and mental health complications (Ashby & Gupta, 2013;
Shepard, 2013). A husband’s ability to marry another wife can be used to abuse and control the current wife (Cook &
Kelly, 2006). The abuse may be elicited either by the husband or the co-wives (McDermott & Cowden, 2015). The option
of taking another wife allows a husband to evade the conflicts inherent in the spousal relationship such as disagreements
regarding role division, sexual relations, and distribution of resources/finances/properties (Ross, 2002; UNCHR, 2002).
Unresolved issues can also lead to frustration and feelings of hostility and anger on the husband’s part, resulting in
aggressive behavior with the earlier wife. Hence, it is pertinent to understand that the relationship between polygyny
and spousal violence is causal or driven by the background characteristics of women such as residence, caste, religion,
education, and wealth.
Studies that have analyzed the relationship between polygyny and spousal violence in recent years, mainly in the
African context, have found that spousal violence is higher in polygynous marriages compared with monogamous
marriages (Ahinkorah, 2021; Al-Krenawi & Lev-Wiesel, 2002; Amo-Adjei &Tuoyire, 2016; Behrman, 2019; Ebrahim &
Atteraya, 2020; Heath et al., 2020; Jansen & Agadjanian, 2020). Polygyny may constitute a source of friction and conflict
in the family (Amo-Adjei & Tuoyire, 2016; Uthman et al., 2010). Controlling behavior of men has been described as
enforcing masculinity through male authority to control women (Barker & Ricardo, 2005; Heath et al., 2020). Polygynous
relationships are usually characterized by competition for resources among competing co-wives (Wekwete et al., 2014).
A husband, therefore, manages and controls his wives to prevent rivalry between them (Agadjanian & Ezeh, 2000). In
polygynous marriages, it is difficult for the husbands to provide equal space for all wives to discuss matters and listen
to their emotions and feelings. They think that they need to be fully respected and cannot tolerate the rejection of their
decisions (Mukhuba, 2017). Women’s autonomy does not necessarily evenly characterize all aspects of the conjugal lives
of co-wives. While a husband may allow certain independence to one of his spouses with regard to handling of their
resources, this may lead to disagreement and conflict with another wife. Several studies have been conducted in India to
understand the predictors of spousal violence (Garg et al., 2021; Jejeebhoy, 1998; Jeyaseelan et al., 2007; Koenig et al.,
2006). However, with few exceptions (Rahaman et al., 2022), studies on the association between polygyny and spousal
violence are lacking in the Indian context. Therefore, a comprehensive study that examines the association between
polygyny and spousal violence is worthwhile. Understanding the role of polygynous unions in spousal violence in India
would not only be helpful to identify the factors contributing to it but also provides a benchmark for the government to
frame policies to stop it.

1.2. Polygyny in India
Although monogamy was the preferred marriage system in India, historically, polygamy was permitted under certain
circumstances. There are two forms of polygamy – one is polygyny (a man marries more than one woman) and another
is polyandry (a woman marries more than one man). In the past, it was a common custom among the kings, upper castes,
merchants, wealthy classes, and elites to have multiple wives to practice unrestricted polygyny (Bhati, 2020; Singh,
2019; Yelamanchili & Parasuraman, 2010). The Hindu Marriage Act of India prohibited the practice of polygyny in 1955.
Although India banned polygyny among Hindus, this practice still exists among them (Sahoo et al., 2022; Yelamanchili
& Parasuraman, 2010) and the Personal Law of Muslims legally allows such practice. Hence, the practice of polygyny
continues in India irrespective of region, religion, caste or class at varying levels. However, over the years, due to the
law prohibiting polygyny and possibly the rising cost of maintaining more than one family/wife, it is uncommon to find
a man being married to more than one wife simultaneously. The analyses of three rounds of NFHS data indicate that the
prevalence of polygyny is low in India, and it declined from 1.9% in 2005 – 2006 to 1.6% in 2015 – 2016 and to 1.4% in
2019 – 2021. Socioeconomic variation in polygyny is observed in India, with higher prevalence among poor, uneducated,
rural, and older women compared to their counterparts. Regional variation in polygyny exhibits higher prevalence in the
North-eastern region, followed by Southern and least in Northern region of India (Sahoo et al., 2022).

2. Data and Methods
The present investigation is based on a secondary analysis of the data collected in NFHS-5 during 2019 – 2021. The
NFHS is a nationally representative, cross-sectional, and demographic and health survey similar in design to the general
format adopted for Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) worldwide. For this study, 512,408 currently married women

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