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Kuang-Chi Chang

                                      grants turned to their network ties.
                                        Some recent evidence, however, has suggested important changes that may affect mi-
                                      grants’ reliance on network methods for job searching. Firstly, the significance of the hu-
                                      kou system has gradually decreased. New laws have been established in some coastal areas,
                                      waiving fees for temporary urban residence permits and allowing  migrants’ children to
                                      attend in urban schools (Chan and Buckingham, 2008). The new laws, according to Cai
                                      and colleagues (2008), were implemented by the local government to eliminate obstacles
                                      for rural migrants living in cities in order to attract and retain migrant labor sufficient to
                                      support the demands in the manufacturing and construction sectors during a period of rap-
                                      id economic growth. Secondly, non-personal channels such  as internet cafés and digital
                                      devices have become popular among migrants to obtain job information (Cartier, Castells
                                      and Qiu, 2005). Thirdly, China’s  market reforms have created an increasingly powerful
                                      private  sector  and  rising service  industries,  both  of which  generate  high demands for
                                      low-skilled labor supplied by rural migrants. However, some research suggests that infor-
                                      mation about standardized, low-skilled, lower-level, non-professional, and non-managerial
                                      jobs is more likely to be advertised via market channels and less likely to be circulated via
                                      personal contacts or network channels (Marsden, 2001). While service industries often hire
                                      many rural migrants, they also rely heavily on newspapers and other media advertisements
                                      to attract a large pool of job candidates (Osberg, 1993). This contributes to a growing sig-
                                      nificance of market channels for job searches among China’s rural migrants today.
                                        In addition, limitations of migrant networks may have motivated rural migrants further
                                      to rely on  market channels, rather than networks, for job searches. As Chang and col-
                                      leagues (2011) have found, obtaining jobs through relatives and friends has a dampening
                                      effect on Chinese rural migrants’ income and satisfaction with work conditions because
                                      only information about inferior jobs circulates in the close-knit migrant communities. Thus
                                      we should expect that  rural  migrants are  more likely to  use  market  channels than
                                      networks in their job searches (Hypothesis 1.1).
                                        Given all the changes, however, I also want to consider a counter-argument for the resi-
                                      lient usage of networks over other job search methods. The reasons for such sustained re-
                                      liance on personal help among Chinese individuals may be cultural, institutional, and so-
                                      cial (Gold, Guthrie, and Wank, 2002). Some scholars suggest that instrumental use of so-
                                      cial connections or guanxi is a part of behavioral patterns reflecting Chinese social norms
                                      and cultural elements that emphasize family and social groups (Hwang, 1987; Yang, 1994).
                                      In addition, the reliance on networks may be a path-dependent behavior. Chinese migrant
                                      workers may have relied on their networks to find urban employment because other alter-
                                      natives were not available,  yet over time, this network usage could have reinforced the
                                      social structure (e.g., stronger migrant networks), shaping their future choices and result-
                                      ing in their continuous reliance on networks for job searches (Giddens, 1979).  Thus I
                                      would like to test a counter-hypothesis that rural migrants are less likely to use market
                                      channels than networks in their job searches (Hypothesis 1.2).

                                      3.2 Urban Natives: Networks, Uncertainty and Influence
                                      Chinese urban natives, on the other hand, have been confronting a different set of institu-
                                      tional constraints in seeking  employment.  Although  many urban natives, like rural  mi-
                                      grants, also rely on help from their friends and family, this network behavior is motivated
                                      by different reasons. In a state socialist economy such as the pre-reform China, informa-
                                      tion and resources were scarce, non-standardized, asymmetric, and not readily available
                                      (Boisot and Child, 1996; Oberschall, 1996). Urban jobs and related information were un-
                                      der the control  of the  state, and job mobility was kept  minimal to  satisfy the planned
                                      economy (Walder, 1986). Although jobs were assigned by the state, many urban natives

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