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militant attacks, protests, and indefinite strikes. Academic schedules have been disrupted and education has taken a back
seat, with violence and anger taking their place, resulting in the loss of human talent and potential (EFSAS, 2017). The
impact of violence on education and the economy has led to the reduction of job opportunities and this has created a
generation of young people living in despair who can be potential recruits for militant activities.

2.5. Community Resilience and Government Measures on Disasters
In the aftermath of disasters, among the widespread death and destruction, individuals and communities have adopted
various mechanisms to cope with the situation. This coping ability is directly linked to the vulnerability profile of the
individual or the group. The vulnerability is determined by social and economic conditions such as age, gender, health,
occupation, and other factors (SDMP, 2017). The ability of the population to cope with these natural disasters could
also be linked to the socio-political history of the state, as noted in a study by Rakesh Chadda and others after the 2005
earthquake. The study argues that the years of violent conflict could have better equipped the people of the region to cope
psychologically with natural disasters and to survive in tough conditions (Chadda, Malhotra, Kaw, et al., 2007).
The social capital approach has been a key coping mechanism whereby people have gone out of their way to help
each other, as was the case in the aftermath of the floods of 2014. Due to the lack of an early warning system, people were
forced to evacuate in a hurry as the water level rose, which resulted in preventable losses. The Indian Army has been a
key institution regarding the disaster relief in the regions of J&K and Ladakh. The army and the National Disaster Relief
Force were brought into action and played a significant role in the rescue operations in 2014 (Venugopal and Yasir, 2017).
The army also set up medical camps in flood-affected areas and a study shows that this played an important role in the
aftermath of the disaster, but the low supply of certain drugs and the limited number of doctors available restricted the
utility of these camps (Singh, Hasan, and Kasi, 2016). While the army and other administrative organizations did their
best during the flood, it was the local youth networks that went out of their way to rescue people – including tourists – with
the help of small boats and tyres (Venugopal and Yasir, 2017). There was also material help from other parts of the region
in the form of food materials such as milk, vegetables, and rice, which helped people sustain themselves in the immediate
aftermath of the floods (Bukhari, 2014). Organizations that are normally opposed to each other – such as the armed forces,
non-government organizations (NGOs), separatists, and local youth – were all working toward the same goals during
the natural disaster (Venugopal and Yasir, 2017). Women have played an important role in the event of disasters. In the
aftermath of the earthquake in 2005, women organized relief efforts, helped in the building of temporary shelters, and
prepared food in the aftermath of the earthquake (Hamilton and Halvorson, 2007).
The continuous presence of the armed forces in the rural and urban areas of J&K due to violence and terrorism has
made the region a highly militarized zone. To avoid the constant patrolling by the armed forces, people have put up
barriers made of rocks and pipes outside neighborhoods (Anjum and Varma, 2010). A study found that people living in
J&K have reduced the number of times they leave their homes – especially during violent flare-ups (Khan, Ayoub, and
Tahir, 2013). The age-old Kashmiri practice of storing dried foods and pickled vegetables due to the inaccessibility of the
terrain during winters has re-emerged because of the conflict. People have been storing large quantities of food and grains
at home as a way of coping with unforeseen circumstances such as prolonged protests and stringent curfews (Anjum and
Varma, 2010). Displacement or migration is another coping mechanism. The biggest displacement from Kashmir was in
the 1990s, when almost the entire Kashmiri Pandit community migrated to Jammu and other parts of India to escape the
violence in the valley. Even after three decades, the community continues to live in exile (Shekhawat, 2009). There have
also been other forms of displacement that is more cyclical in nature. People living in the border regions regularly migrate
to more inner areas when increased tensions between India and Pakistan lead to cross-border shelling. In 2018, more than
1,000 people migrated from Uri district after heavy firing from across the border (SATP, 2020). A study conducted in the
district of Srinagar found that people are open to migrating out of the conflict zone, but socio-economic conditions, and
family and work commitments inhibit this migration (Khan, Ayoub, and Tahir, 2013).
During sudden and destructive disasters such as flash floods and landslides, it becomes imperative that the state
machinery responds quickly and effectively to help people cope with the disaster. When flash floods and landslides wreaked
havoc in Ladakh, the army, along with the civil administration and local people, launched massive search operations using
army helicopters (Gupta, Khanna, and Majumdar, 2012). Due to concerns of contaminated water, purification units were
installed to serve communities. Similarly, in the aftermath of the floods in 2014, Kashmiri student organizations from
Delhi and other parts of India played an important role in helping people cope with the hazard (Venugopal and Yasir,
2017). The government has also followed a policy of providing compensation for the losses incurred by the people due
to disasters. The central government provided $720 million in multiple packages to the government of J&K (then state
of J&K) for relief and rehabilitation after the floods of 2014 (SDMP, 2017). After the avalanche in 2018, the erstwhile

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